br>and the factors that influence their degree of involvement in gambling... Impact of the siting of gambling venues and casinos on the local economy and the.
Today, a proposal for new regulations of gambling in Sweden was presented to the government.. Market abuse regulation in the real economy. Today, a governmental committee published its proposal on a new set of.
It is well-known that severe problem gambling may lead to economic crime. This study explored a particular type of such criminality: embezzlement committed by.
Economics Of Gamblingbr>Studien Swedish longitudinal gambling study, Swelogs, initierades 2008 med syfte. benefits or have problems with their household economy.. light and sound effects, and the speed with which the winnings were paid out.
Wed 5.4.2018 9:00-16:00. Biomass harvesting for energy – latest scientific knowledge on the ecological impacts in Nordic forests. Viikki, Infocenter, Auditorium 2.
young part of the digital economy, and European market players. gambling industry is still in its infancy and with the recent regulatory concerns for.. affects gambling company earnings, since taxes of about 10-25 percent on revenues have.
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Economic Outline of Macau - Nordea Trade Portal
The Ministry of Social Affairs and Health has appointed an independent group to assess the harmful effects of games operated by the new.
Sosiaali- ja terveysministeriö/; fi/; Ajankohtaista/; Artikkeli/; Statutory monopoly system is effective in preventing negative effects of gambling.
Cabinet Committee on Economic Policy outlined measures to strengthen gambling monopoly - Article - Ministry of the Interior
Business and Economy - MediaScan/Sweden Calling DXers | Sveriges RadioIt's a good coincidence that at this difficult - perhaps even dramatic - time in the. will affect not only the economic future of Europe, but also its very. to the politicians alone, because that would be gambling in its purest form.
The country's economy is still heavily dependent on the gambling industry, the casino sector. To counter the effects of inflation and redistribute the country's wealth, the. In order to shed its reputation as a tax haven, Macau has signed.
Gambling and its effects on the economyThis dissertation addresses the tripartite question concerning the relationship between a globalizing capitalist market economy, a territorial states system and a supranational European Union.
Specifically, this study explains how different societal actors approach the question of the vertical division of competences between the supranational EU institutions and the Member States while juxtaposing this in the pursuit of desired models of socio-economic regulation.
Whereas previous studies have paid attention to issues concerning the form of integration, this study seeks to contribute to more nuanced discussions concerning federalism by focusing on issues of content.
It also challenges the view that economic globalization is an exogenous development arguing that what is understood as economic globalization can in fact be traced back to specific national policies that are enacted in order to facilitate the state s international competitiveness, thus making economic globalization an endogenous process.
The empirical part of this dissertation addresses the emergence of a cross-border online gambling market in Europe.
Although such a de facto market exists, its existence has not been recognized de jure by the European Union.
This untenable situation results from EU Member States having diametrically opposing views concerning the legality of this market.
In order to explain this development, this study takes a step back and asks how the cross-border online gambling market emerged in Europe.
This study employs the process-tracing method in order to identify critical turning points that were necessary for the emergence of this market.
It is argued that it was the neoliberal export-oriented competitiveness policies of the Malta and Gibraltar tax havens, enacted following the suggestions of the cross-border online gambling industry, which was a necessary condition for the emergence of the de facto market.
The cross-border online gambling operators incorporation in Malta and Gibraltar guaranteed these operators access to the Single Market as they were protected by the fundamental freedoms enshrined in the EU Treaties.
The successful business operations subsequently enabled interest representation for these operators and the ability to challenge the protectionist gambling regimes of Member States by making complaints to the EU Commission.
As the Guardian of the Treaty, the EU Commission launched infringement proceedings against over a dozen Member States.
Partially as a result of these infringement proceedings many Member States have opted for what is called controlled liberalizationthus allowing gambling to be organized for private profit.
This nudges the socio-economic regulation of gambling towards neoliberalism.
Several contrarian EU Member States, including Finland, are still strongly protectionist thus displaying their commitment to social democratic socio-economic regulation and have decided to fight the liberalization trend that has become prevalent in the field of gambling services.
They have resisted the EU Commission s attempts to bring gambling into the Single Market program de jure.
Gambling has been omitted from the EU s binding secondary legislation because of the resistance displayed by these protectionist Member States.
This resistance has included bringing gambling issues to the EU Council, the EU s multilateral forum, so as to produce non-liberalizing EU level initiatives and regulation of gambling services.
It is telling that those Member States, primarily Malta and the UK, who have championed the Single Market perspective for gambling, have fought against such developments.
This study confirms the support of neoliberal societal actors for so-called negative EU integration, i.
The novelty of this study is to contribute to recent theoretical discussions by confirming, as these recent discussions have suggested, that following the transnationalization of business activities, social democratic societal actors would not only resist negative integration, but also work towards social democratic multilateralism, i.
This has been true in gambling services as was described above.
However, this study also confirms the EU s bias towards negative integration, finding that the individual Member States policy space in regulating gambling services is being diminished due to the EU s fundamental freedoms and the EU Court s judge-made law.
The protectionist Member States have had to resort to organized hypocrisy in order to protect the de facto socialized or nationalized means of production of gambling services in order to thwart the liberalization trend.
Although the reasons for protection are in reality mostly financial, the EU Court and the EU Commission only accepts non-financial overriding public interest reasons for protection.
As the stated reasons for protection of protectionist Member States are in fact hypocritical, this study finds that, although there are several potential futures, the most likely future scenario will be the slow neoliberalization of gambling services in the European Union with the sector s de jure inclusion in the Single Market program as the end result.
Nevertheless, its moral psychological underpinnings have not been explored thoroughly in their own right.
The present work is the first study devoted to the role of passions and inclinations in Pufendorf's moral and political philosophy.
It examines Pufendorf's scattered remarks and observations on human psychology and evaluates the moral psychological assumptions underlying his theory of human sociability.
Pufendorf's acknowledgement of the limits of individual rationality and the fact that people are always deeply embedded in the social and moral practices of particular societies reduces the role of internal moral obligations in his account of moral action.
The application of agent-focused morality is relatively limited because Pufendorf believes that, in a large-scale society, most individuals govern their moral behaviour primarily through habitually-acquired dispositions rather than conscientious internal motivations.
The central argument of this study is that Pufendorf's natural law theory includes a mechanism by which social interaction, guided by political governance, habituates people to internalize moral norms and govern their passions and actions so as to maintain and cultivate sociability.
Pufendorf's theory of sociability intriguingly combines two conficting approaches to morality.
On the one hand, he is a natural law theorist who bases the obligation to cultivate sociability gambling and its effects on the economy the commands of God, which are recognised by reason.
On the other hand, sociability is not merely a normative rule discovered by reason.
It is trough the set of social practises that humans in practise adopt sociability as their moral standard.
Though Pufendorf's main aim is to demonstrate what the divinely imposed universal natural law norms are, his numerous perceptive remarks and observations on moral conduct as an internalized product of society points towards to the moral-psychological emphasis on habits and passions as a mechanism of sociability that became so important for numerous eighteenth-century authors.
The resolution finds that preparedness arrangements related to Finnish security are well-functioning and do not require large-scale reforms; neither is there any reason to develop regulations related to specific procedures or incident management systems.
In 2000s prior to 2010 and subsequently numerous regulatory and structural reforms applying to all security operators.
The point of departure of the study was the researcher s view based on administrative experiences that the decision-makers lacked knowledge about the effects of reforms in the practical management of incidents.
The aim of the study was to update the situation snapshot presented in the government resolution with the perspective of competent practical security operators.
Incident management is a new concept and used as a sub-area of security management in government resolutions in the 2010s.
The upper framework of the study is the framework of the management of overall security, which includes the security management of normal circumstances, incidents and war-time conditions.
The main question posed by the study is: What did the state of incident management look like from the perspective of competent authorities after the administrative reforms and changes in the security environment that took place in the 2000s at the end of 2018?
The empirical study focused on years 2012 2018.
The study was a qualitative case study.
The study object was selected as the macro and operative micro level of practical operations.
At both levels, the aim was to gather comprehensive empirical data.
In all 130 security operators were interviewed for the study.
The micro level data comprises in all 79 interviews of emergency centre, rescue, police, border guard and municipal employees.
These are supplemented by 11 regional level interviews with Regional State Administrative Agency and Centre for Economic Development, Transport and the Environment employees.
The macro level interview data comprises 38 interviews with the management of ministries, central government and NGOs.
The document sources at macro level comprise government programmes, government resolutions, committee reports, regulative and structural reform decisions made in the 2000s and investigation reports of crisis and incident situations experienced.
The interpretation of the sources is based on theory-based content analysis, for the purpose of which a loose interpretative framework based on international research literature was created.
Its strategic management analyses are derived from T.
Drabek s strategic management roadmap as well as concepts belonging to L.
Shearing s management theory.
Operative management criteria are based on concepts formulated by Johnson and Shearing, which have been supplemented with H.
Finally, the study observations have been analysed from the perspective of Drabek s main concept related to incident situations; coordination.
Based on the analyses performed, the answer to the main question of the study, can be summarised as follows: 1.
From the perspective of the competent authorities, incident management during the study period was administratively disorganised.
The view presented in the 2012 resolution about the functioning of the arrangements during normal circumstances did not correspond to the management demands in 2012, or at the end of 2018.
The state of management exhibited significant deficiencies in both the strategic management coordination capabilities at the end of 2018.
The hierarchical and network management arrangements related to incidents did not correspond to the hybrid management requirements of the incidents.
During the study period, the threats related to incidents increased and their management became an increasingly important area of comprehensive security.
The deficiencies found in the study also weakened the management preconditions of click at this page security.
The practical conclusion of the study is that the management of incidents and comprehensive security require significant corrective measures and reforms.
Moreover, the study revealed that the necessary reforms do not require large additional resources; some of the corrective measures can be performed with existing resources and some by reallocating resources.
Based on the study findings, it appears that the loose theoretical framework created for content analysis seemed to suit the object of study and the analysis of data collected for it.
The development work is based on Niklas Luhmann s systems theoretical oeuvre, especially on Luhmann s view of modern society as social systems.
Social systems are self-referential systems which use communication for producing communication.
For Luhmannian theory of society, along with the general view of social systems as self-referential communication chains, societal differentiation is the key principle: there is no centre, core or top in modern society but societal subsystems, such as economy, politics, law and science, all of which are autonomous to each other.
Moreover, interaction, organisation and subsystems are observed as different types of systems whose logics of communication chaining differ from each other.
Drawing on these general ideas as well as later theoretical discussions and developments especially in German systems theoretical sociology, a theoretical outline of the general logics of contemporary society is formed.
However, and in contrast to Luhmann s late work, the study at hand focuses on systems theoretical methodology instead of presenting a strong theory of modern society as such.
With this aim of developing a methodological focus, the monograph discusses these issues also with other sociological traditions, such as Durkheimian theory of society, American pragmatism, Erving Goffman s methodological views, ethnomethodology and Bruno Latour s theory of networks and collectives.
The methodological development work culminates in a qualitative research framework, named as a systems theoretical research template.
Hence, the monograph joins a vibrant conversation in the social sciences about the theory research link and advances systems theoretical considerations about the current methodological issues.
The research template is further utilized in a case study of the work of the Finnish National Advisory Board on Social Welfare and Health Care Ethics ETENE set up in 1998 under the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health.
The ethnographic data, obtained through the observation of the board meetings, is analysed through the systems theoretical template in order to develop a two-part focus: to examine the practices of the board work as such as well as the role of the board in a wider, differentiated societal context.
The ethics of the board meetings does not follow the principles of academic ethics but rather provides an opportunity for an open and polyphonic pondering on complex and burdensome issues.
The function of ethics in the meetings is thus par excellence performative: to level the statuses of the gambling and its effects on the economy and to make it possible for them to encounter each other as authentic and respectable persons with different views and opinions.
The organisational procedures frame the board work for their part to a degree but there is also space for a less structurated and more open-ended debate.
Consequently, the board seems to oscillate between a bureaucratic, decision-centred gambling and its effects on the economy and an open agora discussion and this ambivalence is also a guarantee for its dynamics and independence.
The effects of the corporatist system are studied from the perspective of co-operation, resistance and democracy.
The theoretical part looks at the relationship between the theory of corporatism and the trade union movement.
The empirical part looks at the effect of the corporatist system on the collective labor agreement negotiations over the decades.
Factors that have been highlighted as having internally affected the unified SAK are the click the following article with the operating cultures of two different political groups.
Conflicts were caused particularly by the countless unauthorized strikes of the early 1970 s, whose causes may be studied as consequences of structural change, heavy inflation or resistance to incomes policy.
In terms of SAK s basic program of 1971, the corporatist system caused problems in the implementation of member democracy.
Politically, SAK was divided in two.
Trade union Social Democrats were oriented towards social policy reforms like their Nordic counterparts.
The People s Democrats were effectively shut out of the negotiation system, and their operation had syndicalist characteristics.
The change in the internal relations developed during the latter half of the decade through the labor parties collaboration in the national government.
SAK was considered to be a strong player in society, and labor market solutions were considered to have bypassed the authority of the parliament.
The recession at the end of the 1970 s revealed that SAK s solutions were dictated by government policy.
The view that the operation of labor parties was directed by the trade union movement proved to be wrong.
The viewpoint stems from my own experiences in voluntary-based, semi-formal care work.
Such work is organized in the so-called old third sectorhelping the elderly in their domestic everyday chores, wherein the elderly themselves specify the chores needed.
Care-workers are mainly women, working skills based on non-professional, assumed everyday skills.
They receive a side play free online doctor and nurse games Free benefit for their work, directly from the customers.
Semi-formal care-work can offer accessible, affordable and attractive domestic help.
It can also offer people with caring skills a way to use them for meaningful work and receive some benefit for it.
However, the work has no legitimate role in the Finnish welfare-mix, where current trends mark a diminishing public sector and the rise marketization and familialism.
The old third sector can offer no status in the labour market for the caretaker, and the small benefits do not offer sufficient subsistence.
The caretaker faces expectations and demands that exceed the fact that the work is voluntary-based.
The work can be described as grey care and a cash-in-hand job.
During the next 25 years, the number of Finnish people over age 75 will double.
All care-needers do not have access to market-based or family care.
Labour market, however, does not see care as work; rather, care duties prevent people from working.
On the contrary, from a necessary labor point of view, care-work is biology-based work that maintains life and is therefore one of the few tasks that necessarily needs to be done: Care is work par excellence.
This contradiction is seen in the concept of voluntary work, the oxymoron that offers an unsatisfactory community-based solution to care problems, leaving the care-needers depending on other peoples voluntariness, and the care-workers lacking status or subsistence.
In an ageing society it is urgent that care-work for the elderly be organized in a new way.
Civil society work paid with civil salary, other benefits and the right to a pension, would offer semi-formal care-work a legitimate status in the labour market.
In this new work, everyday skills would be given a new value, taught and utilized to offer everyday care for the elderly and other people who need care.
The analysis focuses on the ways the forms and meanings of music fandom, as well as the images attributed to fans, developed in the interaction between the music industry, publicity and audience.
The source material consists mainly of written reminiscences on popular music and fandom, and music magazines from the research period.
The material also includes e.
The historical context of the analysis is comprised of the substantial changes in youth brought about by the post-war social change.
In the study, these changes are referred to as the modernization of youth.
The study examines the technological, social and cultural changes linked to the change in youth that facilitated the emergence of the fan culture.
Secondly, the study identifies the socio-cultural needs, created by modernization, to which music fandom as a phenomenon responded.
In terms of content, the analysis focuses on three dimensions of fan culture.
The first dimension comprises the musical and material settings of fandom, such as recordings, concerts and music magazines.
The second consists of media discourses concerning the fan phenomenon.
Here the study also questions and disassembles the gendered stereotypes constructed within the discourses.
The third dimension comprises the socio-cultural meanings of fandom, particularly in respect of identity work taking place in the forms of identification and social distinction.
Scrutiny of these dimensions also highlights the links between the fan phenomenon and the constituent phenomena of modernizing youth: for example, the mediatization, Anglo-Americanization and sexualization of youth culture, as well as the weakening of the please click for source identity models.
The study shows that the emergence of fan culture was a process where the media contents and ideas concerning fandom interacted in multi-dimensional ways between the various actors.
The music industry, media publicity and fan audience formed the macro-level of this interactive network.
The contents of fandom formed within this framework assumed their practical meaning in the daily how to and roulette of young people.
These everyday meanings of fandom were concretized in the form of various consumption and production practices, through which the macro-level interrelationships were again redefined.
Adolescence involves many choices and decisions that impact later life, such as leaving the parental home and transitioning to independent living, establishing financial independence, making decisions about education and careers, and starting a family.
An essential part of adolescence is the pursuit of autonomy and finding one s place in the adult world and its social order.
Adolescents who cannot attain these goals are easily rejected as non-adults who fail to meet social expectations for different age groups and life stages.
This rejection has the effect of excluding them from full citizenship.
Emerging adulthood is particularly challenging for adolescents living in vulnerable circumstances who feel they are not yet ready or able to make decisions about their life.
The choices they must make may also involve options that adolescents find dissatisfactory or difficult to handle.
This dissertation explores young people s agency from a relational perspective, emphasising the social and contextual basis of agency rather than its individualist foundation.
The relational perspective relates to autonomous agency primarily because the construction of autonomy can require the context of human relationships and mutual dependency.
In contrast, an emphasis on agency that stresses individuality and independence may engender feelings of loneliness and insecurity as well as of going through the motions of a life with no true sense of meaning.
People who work with and support adolescents should also bear in mind that wellbeing depends substantially on the ability of individuals to connect with others.
A lack of relationships and a feeling of loneliness characterise the lives of many socially excluded and disadvantaged people.
The relational perspective is particularly obvious among those without relationships.
This dissertation employs a constructionist philosophy and a relational viewpoint.
It focuses on outreach work and, more broadly, the service network that strives to help young people.
The research data comprise documents from 2001 on street-based youth work, recordings from the development seminar of a working group, interviews with young people encountered during outreach work in 2010 and 2011, the working group s focus group discussions and recorded client visits.
The four scientific articles included in the dissertation use content analysis and the voice-centred relational method to consider the themes of control, the construction of autonomous agency and the concept of having-to as it pertains to young people.
The first of the articles discusses elements of control in outreach work.
The three other articles explore the theme of agency and the associated relational perspective.
The second and third articles examine the construction of young people s autonomous agency, first in tense meetings with outreach workers and the authorities, and then from the perspective of the challenges of independent living.
The fourth article analyses the construction of adolescents agency from the viewpoint of cultural expectations, particularly the concept of having-to.
The results of the articles inform the concluding section, which addresses the two research questions: How is the autonomous agency of young people constructed in the tense relationship of social control, professional support and having-to, and how is the relational approach connected to the construction of young people s autonomous agency?
The results demonstrate that various social structures and service systems provide a framework for the construction of agency, particularly among young people who are or risk being socially excluded.
Even the most autonomous individual must deal with certain have-to s and is the subject of control through both societal and social relationships.
Both control and culturally defined having-to are factors that define the limits of agency based on freedom and choices.
As clients of outreach work, adolescents who are or risk being socially excluded must negotiate with various societal representatives about the limits of their autonomy and range of choices and must respond to the expectation of stronger agency.
Young people s experience of their agency and place in the world depends partly on social ties, relationships and the various resources available to them.
Strengthening the agency of young people encountered through outreach work requires long-term partnership and support gambling and its effects on the economy help them succeed in the challenging transition to adulthood, which is limited by having-to.
Interaction in outreach work, the parties meetings or failures to meet each other, plays an important role.
Those involved in such work have the power to profoundly affect young people s lives as well as their ideas of themselves and their significance.
External compulsion or decisions made without the adolescents contribution do not improve their self-understanding or autonomous agency, which are important to any definition of a good life.
This thesis consists of three essays in which we study the economics of climate change using networks as a theoretical framework.
In the first essay, we discover flaws in the foundations of a recent strand of literature estimating the carbon Kuznets curve CKC.
The CKC hypothesizes that carbon dioxide emissions initially increase with economic growth but that the relationship is eventually reversed.
The recent literature attempts to estimate the CKC by adding energy consumption as a control variable.
Due to model misspecifications related to the econometric methodology and database definitions, the results are biased to support the existence of a CKC.
Consequently, the literature underestimates the need for climate policies.
In the second essay, we study how social networks might help to explain why differences of opinion about climate change persist across segments of the lay public despite the scientific consensus.
To do this, we programmed a Facebook application that collected survey data on concerns about climate change and network data on friendships.
We found that respondents tend to have friends with similar concerns as their own, the unconcerned respondents have fewer friends, and any two respondents who disagreed about the seriousness of global warming were less than half as likely to be friends.
The results indicate that the structure of the social gambling and its effects on the economy may hinder changes in opinions, explaining why opinions persist despite the scientific consensus.
The results suggest that the communication of climate science could be improved by strategies that aim to overcome these network effects.
In the third essay, we study permit markets which are connected by a network of links.
A link allows participants of one emissions trading system to use permits of other systems.
In a linked network of markets, foreign regulators can influence domestic policy outcomes even without a direct link.
We apply graph theory to study these dependencies between markets to determine who exactly can affect domestic emissions and prices.
We characterize the equilibrium's dependency structure assuming perfect competition and an exogenous trading network.
The results help to avoid unexpected foreign interference with domestic policy outcomes and to secure the effectiveness of climate change policies.
It concentrates on the decision-making of the most influential political party in Finland at that time, the Social Democratic Party SDP.
The study applies the methods of social science history and conceptual history by researching both the strategic decision-making and public argumentation of the social democrats.
The framework of the analysis is based on regulation theory, which distinguishes five fundamental institutional forms in capitalist societies: 1 the nature of the state economic, employment and unemployment security policy2 the wage-labour nexus labour market policy3 the monetary regime monetary policy and the regulation of capital markets4 the forms of competition state company, privatisation and competition policy and 5 international interconnectedness European integration, economic globalisation as well as the impact of Sweden and international organisations.
Finnish social democrats moved towards emphasising private sector-led employment, approached the middle class, adopted monetarist ideas, accepted the market economy and favoured controlled restructuring over counter-cyclical measures in a series of steps in 1975 1998.
Export sector competitiveness in global markets, European integration, active labour market policy and R please click for source D investment were the cornerstones of social democratic employment policy in Finland at the time.
Finnish social democrats also partly adopted neoliberal practices such as activation, privatisation, financial market deregulation and labour market flexibility.
The deregulation of financial markets meant a shifting of the basis of social democratic employment policy from steering the capitalist economy to seeking market acceptance of the party s politics.
This did not manage to guarantee full employment in Finland during the period, and exacerbated the poverty of the unemployed.
Furthermore, Finnish social democrats practised a third way type of Bad Sillanpää policy long before its adherents such as Tony Blair in the UK.
After the mid-1970s, the Finnish social democrat-led governments implemented many reforms which also resembled the premises of the Swedish social democrats Third Way Programme in the 1980s.
The thesis draws on empirical research in two specific sites where children in Helsinki learn mobility: a model traffic area for 5-10-year-olds and the school journeys of 7-12-year-olds, the first of these providing an entry-point into formal pedagogical practices, the second into informal learning through mundane urban travel.
The study has deployed various qualitative and participatory methods—including mobile ethnography, digital picture-making and visual casino heating and air conditioning guided create an open-ended and flexible arena for children, parents and educators to experiment with diverse ways of becoming mobile and to convey their gambling and its effects on the economy of such becomings.
Further extending this approach, the thesis allies itself with Donald Woods Winnicott, Daniel Stern, Gilles Deleuze, Bruno Latour and other thinkers to trace out a series of mobility experiments, transformative relational arrangements, which suggest a three-fold argument about mobile learning.
Third, the thesis elaborates a methodological argument about the importance for childhood research to move beyond the effort to describe the world as it appears towards a more active and collective experimentation with the ways in which the world could become otherwise, as dealing with ever-complex empirical challenges asks for more dynamic and open-ended modes of working.
The study asks, on the one hand, what position the families have in the intersecting hierarchical orders of ethnicity and social class and, on the other hand, how the hierarchical differences defined by generation and gender within the family are interpreted and negotiated.
Theoretically the study falls within various fields of research: ethnic and migration research; Bourdieuian research on social class and research on the intersectionality of social distinctions; sociological family research; and youth research.
By means of a frame of reference composed of these fields, the lives of families with an immigrant background is examined from an angle that challenges problem-centred interpretations that stress issues pertaining to culture and integration.
The core of the research data consists of 45 interviews of an ethnographic nature, which have been conducted with the parents and children of 16 families.
The parents interviewed had moved to Finland from outside Western affluent societies as adults.
The representatives of the young generation are their children, young people and young adults who were born in Finland or click moved to Finland as children.
Observations made in the interviewees homes serve as background material for the interviews.
In the empirical chapters of the study, I take up the following themes: socio-economic status; ways of speaking about the family; relations between generations; gender equality; and the future of the young generation.
The supporting overarching theme is the idea that presenting one s own way of life and family as respectable and good is an important element of the social positioning carried out by the interviewees.
Interpretations concerning the interviewees social status were not constructed only in relation to Finnish society - where their socio-economic and discursively produced status was rather weak - but were also based on their middle-class background in their former home countries.
The organization of relations between generations and genders takes place through negotiation and in ways moulded by situation-specific requirements.
They are also organized in relation to the class structures and hierarchies of the former home country and Finnish society.
Although the generations differed from each other in terms of their relations with Finnish society and the former home country, there was also significant inter-generational continuity.
This was visible, for instance, in efforts to convert the existing social and cultural resources into legitimate capital in Finnish society, and in the discursive techniques whereby interviewees presented their own family as respectable and distanced themselves from the problem-centred immigrant category.
Calling it detachment from Moscow, dissidence, new state security strategy, independent or autonomous line, historiography focuses from an objectivist perspective on the external permissive conditions that allowed the change.
It works within a paradigm which maintains that after the war Romania allied balanced with the USSR against the Western threat but contends that Romania s alliance with the USSR and its post-1960 opposition to the USSR were mutually exclusive.
In tackling this dichotomy, some scholars argue that the change was simulated or apparent, while others acknowledge a partial, incomplete detachment but pay little attention to what actually changed.
Drawing from recently declassified archive materials, this study used a perceptual approach and a paradigm which argues that post-war Romania allied not against the threat but with the perceived threat the USSR.
It focused on the proximate causes triggering the change and explained what changed.
It investigated the emergence of Romania s opposition to the USSR mainly through two case studies the CMEA reform process and the Sino-Soviet dispute and covered the period between 1960 and 1964 between Romania s first categorical albeit non-public and indirect opposition to the USSR and the issuing of the Declaration marking Romania s first public and official although indirect acknowledgement of the disagreements with the USSR.
This study found that the proximate causes of Romania s policy change towards the Soviet Union resided in the Romanian leaders perceptions of the threats posed to Romania s interests by various specific Soviet policies, such as the attempts to impose the CMEA integration or a strong collective riposte against China.
The Romanian leaders considered that such Soviet policies had to be blocked, but they feared that opposition risked triggering even bigger threats or even the ultimate perceived threat to Romania s security an open confrontation with the USSR.
Thus, they responded to the perceived threats by conceptualising the change in Romania s policy towards the USSR not in terms of breaking off the alliance, but in terms of finding practical gambling and its effects on the economy tactics to block specific perceived less-than-ultimate Soviet threats, without provoking a confrontation with the USSR.
Through its findings, this study opens new research perspectives on the Romanian-Soviet post-war relations and on the role of the leaders beliefs in Romania s foreign policy choices.
It may also be a starting point to understand the unusual present-day relations between Romania and the Russian Federation.
How are these forms of civic activity interwoven with the state and public structures?
Finally, why do particular forms occur?
The state-society relationship is analyzed through the following concepts: 1 state-society patterns, 2 role of civil society organizations, 3 transnational interaction, and 4 gender.
Instead of the conventional sectoral thinking, the society is treated as spaces interdependent of one another.
Messy conceptions of civil society and the state are opened up empirically.
The analysis is grounded on an extensive ethnographic investigation within the Sortavala district incl.
The data includes more than 150 interviews; participant observation in many events; over 500 pages of field notes; and documents.
Sortavala s location on one hand in Russian Karelia, outside big Russian cities, and on the other hand on the border of Finland and the EU allows a fascinating view that is peripheral and transnational at the same time.
By zooming in on a very local setting allows revealing what really goes on concerning the studied relationship in its daily practices.
Nevertheless, the analysis is not restricted to this micro world but is extended to a larger macro-level environment.
The study performed a thorough consideration of a wide set of citizens organizations, explored the understanding and disaggregation of the state, thus concentrated on both sides of the studied relationship, and focused on the boundaries and convergences of those two spheres.
In doing so, it diversified the rather stereotypical picture of the weak and apolitical Russian civil society co-opted by the state.
The research showed click to see more of the Russian state-society relationship: perhaps the most compelling finding concerns the significant overlap and interdependence between the state structures and civil society organizations when it came to the social organizations in particular.
Sometimes it is impossible to draw the line where the state ends and society begin.
The study also illuminated the multiple parallel roles of Russian socially oriented civil society organizations, which were solely apolitical in their activities.
It diversified also the picture in terms of gender: women dominated the sphere, but also men participated, in membership organizations in particular.
Concerning the transnational Finnish, in particular impact, the study showed some benefits of foreign support.
Through differentiation of the studied organizations into the categories of the social and membership organizations, the study showed the ignorance of such support for the Soviet-type membership organizations that have large constituencies and, consequently, potentially the ability to challenge state policies.
The study poses a series of critical questions regarding the conflictual aspect of politics and gambling and its effects on the economy the historically contingent and contextually determined nature of the idea of politics as conflict.
By critical examination of the Schmittian perspective, the study underlines the need for an alternative view in which political conflict is taken seriously, but politics is, however, not identified with its conflictual aspect, on the one hand, and political conflict is not reduced to the paradigm of physical and military conflict, on the other.
Rather than a substantial core of politics, conflict is a category open for many valuations and argumentative functions, and these must be studied by means of linguistically and historically sensitive form of theorizing.
In its methodology, the study supplements the approach of political theory with conceptual history and metaphorology.
Extending the critical analysis of conflict to methodology — including that of its own — the study warns against a too free jackpot games gifts and entertainment adoption of conflict as a methodological category, a metahistorical structure, or a near-synonym to either context or contingency that would introduce vicious circularity and jeopardize the historical contingency of the category itself.
For both Schmitt and Koselleck, secularization is inherently linked with the question of political conflict, and once these contingent political-theoretical starting points are explicated, it is possible to aim at more wide-reaching combinations of the perspectives of conceptual history and metaphorology.
Unemployment and its effects on economy
Business and Economy - MediaScan/Sweden Calling DXers | Sveriges Radio
Valtiotieteellinen tiedekuntaThe main purpose of this dissertation is to discuss the social impact of increased availability of gambling in society and to obtain a better understanding... (More).
Ministry of the Interior informs together with Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, Ministry of Education and Culture, Ministry of Social Affairs and.
In August, the gambling operators and the State will draft a memorandum of. The operators will provide their respective opinions on the memorandum.. on Economic Policy will reconsider the merger of gambling operators.. to gambling and to reduce the negative social and health effects of gambling.
Should not affect betting, since its not a gambling. Edit: Afaik, csgolounge posseses a. It's called economy. After a month of work you get a few.